Was the LMS too big? Frederic Stansfield In his reply to my earlier letter about the size of the LMS September issueDoug Landau November issue makes many interesting points describing the company's engineering innovations. But two of Landau's examples show how engineering developments within the LMS were subordinated to business issues. LMS management's rejection of electrification proposals, because of insufficient return on capital, is unsurprising when neither the scheme nor the one linked London with a major city such as Birmingham.
Wallace of Alabama, who built his political career on segregation and spent a tormented retirement arguing that he was not a racist in his heart, died Sunday night at Jackson Hospital in Montgomery. He was 79 and lived in Montgomery, Ala. Wallace died of respiratory and cardiac arrest at 9: Wallace had been in declining health since being shot in his presidential campaign by a year-old drifter named Arthur Bremer.
Wallace, a Democrat who was a longtime champion of states' rights, dominated his own state for almost a generation. But his wish was to be remembered as a man who might have been president and whose campaigns for that office inand established political trends that have dominated American politics for the last quarter of the 20th century.
He believed that his underdog campaigns made it possible for two other Southerners, Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton, to be taken seriously as presidential candidates. He also argued ceaselessly that his theme of middle-class empowerment was borrowed by Richard Nixon in and then grabbed by another Californian, Ronald Reagan, as the spine of his triumphant populist conservatism.
In interviews later in his life, Wallace was always less birmingham campaign 1963 essay help to talk about his other major role in Southern history. After being elected to his first term as governor inhe became the foil for the huge protests that the Rev.
Martin Luther King Jr. As a young man, Wallace came boiling out of the sun-stricken, Rebel-haunted reaches of southeast Alabama to win the governorship on his second try.
He became the only Alabamian ever sworn in for four terms as governor, winning elections in, and He retired at the end of his last term in January So great was his sway over Alabama that by the time he had been in office only two years, other candidates literally begged him for permission to put his slogan, "Stand Up for Alabama," on their billboards.
John Sparkman and Lister Hill, New Deal veterans who were powers in Washington and the national Democratic Party, feared to contradict him in public when he vowed to plunge the state into unrelenting confrontation with the federal government over the integration of schools, buses, restrooms and public places in Alabama.
It was a power built entirely on his promise to Alabama's white voting majority to continue the historic oppression of its disfranchised and largely impoverished black citizens. And it was snapshots of the peak moments of Wallace's campaign of racial oppression that burned him into the nation's consciousness as the Deep South's most forceful political brawler since Huey Long of Louisiana.
In it, Wallace promised to protect the state's "Anglo-Saxon people" from "communistic amalgamation" with blacks and ended with the line that would haunt his later efforts to enter the Democratic mainstream: Within days, it was convincingly reported that Wallace, fearing jail for defying a federal court order, had privately promised President John Kennedy that he would step aside if first allowed to make a defiant speech.
Wallace's in-state critics denounced him for a "charade" that embarrassed the state. But the cold splash of reality did not dampen his plans to use Alabama as a stepping stone to the national political arena and to the anti-Big-government speeches by which he obsessively longed to be remembered by history.
Wallace talked of running for president in as a neo-Dixiecrat candidate. But he backed off when the Republican nominee, Sen.
Goldwater's move undercut Wallace's trademark assertion that "there's not a dime's worth of difference" between the two main parties on race. After the election, Wallace regretted his timidity because he thought Goldwater had run a campaign of comical ineptitude, and when came around, he invented a party, drafted the eccentric retired Air Force general Curtis LeMay as his running mate, and began draining away the lunch-pail vote from Nixon.
One reason for his success was that Wallace always campaigned "with the tense urgency of a squirrel," in the memorable description of one biographer, Marshall Frady. Another reason was that his message worked among disaffected whites everywhere, not just in the South.
Wallace's political radar had picked up signals that Rust Belt workers and urban white ethnic Americans from Boston to Baltimore felt grumpy about black students in their neighborhood schools and black competitors in the workplace.
He cleaned up his language, but he used an expurgated list of demons -- liberals, Communists, the Eastern press, federal judges, "pointy-headed intellectuals" -- to tap out in code words an updated version of his fire-hardened message from the Heart of Dixie.
It was race and rage. This blend of color prejudice and economic grievance appealed to enough voters to win him more than 13 percent of the popular vote and five states in the presidential election.
In the race, he was running even stronger in the Democratic presidential primaries. He rattled the party's establishment with a second-place finish in Wisconsin and a rapid ascent in the polls. He also won primaries in Maryland and Michigan on May 16, but got the news in a hospital bed, having been shot and paralyzed on the day before the balloting.
The injury from Bremer's bullet became a "thorn in my flesh," Wallace later said, and the truncated campaign became a thorn in his psyche. He died believing that had he not been shot, popular appeal would have forced the Democratic Party to put him on the ticket in to keep Nixon from sweeping the Sun Belt and blue-collar enclaves in the Middle West and Northeast.
Wallace ran again in From the start, aides noticed that the applause dwindled once crowds saw his shiny wheelchair. Wallace noticed it, too, and in private he disputed friends who reminded him that Franklin Roosevelt had won despite crutches and wheelchair.The Birmingham Campaign was a series of protests against racial segregation in Birmingham, Alabama that took place in April of Background In the early s, Birmingham, Alabama was a very segregated city.
Essay on Birmingham, Alabama Demonstrations of - The topic we researched was the demonstrations that occurred in Birmingham, Alabama in These demonstrations stemmed from rising racial tensions in the area. Number 1 (January) All manner of 'Manors'. T.B. Owen. front cover Swindon Nos Foxcote Manor, Hinton Manor, Lydham Manor and Odney Manor polished to perfection at Machynlleth shed ready for Royal Train duty in August see also 34 top.
Seats in all parts. Michael Blakemore. 3. Editorial comment upon first class travel, being reduced by some franchises (alias bus. The Albany campaign, MLK needed to tackle Birmingham, the most segregated city in the South, so they could get the results they wanted and raise awareness for the cause, so that change for the status of African Americans could happen.
The Letter from Birmingham Jail, also known as the Letter from Birmingham City Jail and The Negro Is Your Brother, is an open letter written on April 16, , by Martin Luther King Jr.
The letter defends the strategy of nonviolent resistance to racism. It says that people have a moral responsibility to break unjust laws and to take direct action rather than waiting potentially forever for.
The Letter from Birmingham Jail or Letter from Birmingham City Jail, is an open letter written on April 16, , by Martin Luther King, Jr. King wrote the letter from the city jail in Birmingham, Alabama, where he was confined after being arrested for his part in the Birmingham campaign, a planned non-violent protest conducted by the Alabama.